Argentina Fends Off Vultures
In spite of market calls for the International Monetary
Fund to adopt a tougher stance against the heavily indebted nation, Argentina
has managed to revive its moribund economy.
By Gonzalo Baeza
Argentina has managed to reach a compromise in its ongoing
stare-down with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) amid growing pressure
from the country’s creditors and the multilateral agency’s own bullying
tactics.
The beleaguered South American nation, which only two years
ago suffered the worst economic collapse in its history, acquiesced to repay
the IMF some $3.1 billion mere hours before the loan’s March 9 deadline. The
payment was made on condition that the fund approves its second review of a
three-year standby credit granted to Argentina in September.
According to Sen. Cristina Fernandez, wife of Argentine
President Nestor Kirchner, the IMF “respected everything that we asked for.”
Kirchner had refused to budge to IMF pressure for Argentina
to repay the credit as well as accept a number of stringent conditions in its
ongoing talks to renegotiate some $94.3 billion in defaulted bonds held by
private investors.
Considering how more than 50 percent of Argentina’s 38
million population lives in poverty and national unemployment runs at an
official 20 percent, additional demands do little to help the country’s economy
regain its footing. In spite of the present situation, Argentina’s GDP grew by
more than 8 percent in 2003.
The IMF is presently calling for a so-called “debt rescheduling
acceptability principle” where Argentina’s debt repayment offer is to be
accepted by a minimum of 80 percent of the country’s creditors. Argentina is
being represented in renegotiation talks by Merrill Lynch, Barclays Capital,
and UBS Investment Bank.
Conspicuous by their absence are other institutions such as
Bank of Boston or Citibank, which were reportedly shunned earlier in the
selection process given an ongoing probe into the banks’ alleged funneling of
billions of dollars abroad just a few days before the country’s financial
collapse in December 2001.
Foremost in the mind of IMF Deputy Managing Director Anne
Krueger, one of Argentina’s most acerbic critics, was the money that the
country directly owes to the fund.
Argentina’s IMF debt accounts for nearly 15 percent of the
$106 billion in outstanding loans owed to the fund by borrowing countries
worldwide. More than the frustrated hopes of Argentina’s other creditors, the
IMF was worried about how defaulting to the fund would affect the multilateral
agency’s own credit rating.
Along with its $94.3 billion debt to private bondholders,
Argentina owes nearly $85 billion more in public debt. The latter obligation
includes some $25 billion in bonds that were actually issued long after the
country’s economic meltdown and default, leaving analysts to wonder where were
the IMF and other patron saints of the financial system to monitor the new
operations.
There is, however, a likely reason why investors and
speculators have so far ignored the words of the IMF’s head honchos and the
editorial page of The Wall Street Journal telling them that Argentina is
not to be trusted as a debtor. They probably know that in the end they will
extract a hefty profit out of Argentina just like many speculators did during
Brazil’s debt renegotiation process a few years ago. The operation will not
take much more effort than waiting for the IMF or the World Bank to exert the
right pressure or lure the local authorities with the promise of more loans.
In the meantime, Argentina’s creditors have resorted to new
ways of persuading the Kirchner administration to cough up the money they
demand, including filing lawsuits in U.S. courts.
The unprecedented scenario in which a U.S. court gets
dragged into a financial conflict between foreign nations and international
bankers and speculators has nonetheless proved to be an effective tool for
bondholders. Only on March 6, Manhattan federal judge Thomas Griesa ruled in
favor of a group of 44 creditors holding some $20 million in Argentinean bonds
to be paid from Argentina’s assets abroad. Griesa also confirmed a previous
sentence ordering the freezing of two
U.S. accounts holding $11.5 million owned by a former Argentine postal service
operator. Several New York-based law firms are reportedly lining up to file new
lawsuits in favor of other claimants, including prominent European investment
funds.
The money is, however, short change compared to the $725
million in Argentine debt held by U.S. billionaire Kenneth Dart and which, in
accordance to a landmark ruling by Griesa in September, should be fully paid by
the South American nation. Dart is the heir of a U.S. foam cup fortune, and
owns a significant amount of the bondholder-owned debt through his investment
vehicle EM Ltd. The latter is one of several agencies which Argentine Finance Minister
Roberto Lavagna, among others, has called “vulture funds.”
Kirchner has privately complained how a significant amount
of the defaulted Argentine bonds has ended up in the hands of so-called vulture
funds, which paid an average 20 cents to the dollar for them.
What Dart is asking the Argentine government to do, however,
is what he himself refused to in 1994, when he renounced his U.S. citizenship
in order to avoid paying taxes that according to Internal Revenue Service
records amounted to $21.7 million that
year as well as $34.5 million in 1993.
Dart has since settled in renowned tax haven Belize, from which
he conducts his business operations such as when he profited $605 million in
defaulted Brazilian bonds, which, just like he did with the Argentinean debt
titles, were bought at a fraction of their real value.
Dart’s maneuvers taint the motives of smaller investors who
simply fell for the hype about Argentina allegedly being a wise investment that
financial establishment organs such as The Wall Street Journal reported
on during the 1990s.
Now, the Journal has changed its tune. In a recent
editorial, the Journal labeled Argentina a “deadbeat” nation and called for the
IMF to adopt a tougher stance on the rebellious country.
Gonzalo Baeza, a native of Chile, is AFP’s South American
bureau chief. A widely-published independent journalist with many years of
experience, Baeza’s work for AFP has focused on the detrimental role of
international banking in shaping U.S. policy toward Latin America.